But it does not.
This Brief provides an analysis of the positions of the two sides, as well as the positions of other relevant players. It describes the price that must be paid by both sides to give reconciliation a chance and why the two sides have so far refused to pay that price. The future of the Gaza Strip is characterized by dangers and risks; its current political and economic conditions leave no room for optimism. All agree that living conditions are continuously worsening. Since , Israel has imposed a see, air, and land blockade and a siege over the Gaza Strip.
The siege and blockade have worsened since after Hamas assumed full control over the Strip. All economic sectors, along with health, education, power, food, and water, suffer from a deep crisis and a crumpling infrastructure. For all of that, it is not surprising that about half of the Gazan residents wish to emigrate in search for survival and better life. Palestinian and regional actors have explored various ways of addressing the crisis in Gaza.
The following paragraphs describe the four ideas that have received the greatest attention:. In other words, the PA, which spends about million US dollars per month in the Gaza Strip, says that a reconciliation that allows its government a full control over the Gaza Strip is the only way out. The PA rests its position on its own interpretation of the terms of the October Cairo reconciliation deal facilitated by Egypt.
Hamas vs. Fatah: The Struggle For Palestine
That agreement however does not it provide the PA a full security control over the Strip; indeed, it does not address the issue. It was this flexibility that allowed the deal to be made.
Hamas leaders made it clear that the subject is not open for discussion; that it is a red line. Instead, they are willing to support a gradual PA return to the Gaza Strip even if Hamas is not disarmed in the short term. B Long term agreement between Hamas and Israel : In the absence of reconciliation, Hamas will find itself searching for alternative means to improve living conditions and consolidate its control over the Gaza Strip.
One such alternative is to reach a long term cessation of violence, a hudna , with Israel that allows for the easing of the siege while providing Hamas with the financial capacity to deliver services, through foreign aid such as that of Qatar, or through custom and tax revenues that can be generated by directly collecting custom duties and other taxes on goods that enter the Gaza Strip. This solution to the crisis in the Gaza Strip finds some support among Israeli right-wing circles viewing it as the means to sustain and consolidate Palestinian divisions thereby reducing the prospects for Palestinian statehood.
Hamas' attraction lies in its ideology, compared with Fatah which has more international backing and is seen as more financially secure. Hamas, like the Muslim Brotherhood, uses grassroots activism to inform people on its ideology, in places such as mosques and universities. Fatah, on the other hand, no longer carries out such exercises, and relies more on providing financial support to gain followers, according to those on the ground.
Al-Aqtash says about half of Fatah loyalists "financially benefit from the PA and get rewards such as salaries and high positions - along with their families.
Many still view Fatah's Arafat as a Palestinian leader. In his time, before signing the Oslo Accords, the party supported armed resistance. The movement does not have clear principles.
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Hope that an outside intermediary can negotiate or impose some kind of deal — that there are some set of concessions from Israel and aid from outside that will suffice to bring peace — has been repeatedly disappointed by experience. Yet the hope itself lingers on, invulnerable to all disproof, no matter how painful, no matter how repeated, no matter how predictable.
True, some regional experts have laid this hope outside.
Hamas and Fatah: How are the two groups different? | Palestine | Al Jazeera
He argues that American policy has to be built around this great Palestinian incapacity. That seems accurate as description — and as a map of the true obstacles to a resolution of this unresolved and perhaps unresolvable conflict.
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Such assessments suggest that even autonomous Palestinian areas will have to be put for many years or decades under some kind of international trusteeship. Whether Palestinian leaders can summon in themselves the wisdom — and inspire in their followers the moderation — to make a success of such a project is very uncertain.
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